The die-hard Trump fans who think he has magical abilities to transform Washington need only look at the last couple of celebrity blowhards who swept into office on a promise of radical change: Governors Ventura and Schwarzenegger.
Trump is not only the obstacle in Jeb's way. His anti-immigrant bigotry is a cancer on the Republican Party. Jeb seems to grasp more than most that the cancer needs to be removed
Republicans used to brag about their "deep bench" of governors, diligently solving problems in contrast to the dysfunction happening in Washington. No more. They've been eclipsed by Trump, Carson and Fiorina.
No one will vote for a candidate with no governing experience on the basis on a single issue. And it's not true that nothing good can happen until we enact his package of election reforms.
Characterizing the Republican field is not as simple as deeming them all climate science deniers. If you look closely – and squint real hard – you'll find slight differences that can give an optimist a glimmer of hope.
After the debacle of George W. Bush’s conservative economic policy and foreign policy, Republicans still have something to prove. They didn’t prove anything last night.
Fault lines are emerging in response to the administration's Clean Power Plan, the EPA rule designed to cut carbon emissions from power plants 32 percent by 2030. How can we make sense of it, and what should activists do next?
If you want a presidential candidate who supports a carbon tax you should vote for Bernie Sanders. If you want a presidential candidate that has thought through how to best communicate on climate, Hillary Clinton may be your best bet.
President Obama is working on a program to cap carbon emissions from power plants. As with Obamacare, states will have latitude how it is implemented. As with Obamacare, recalcitrant Obama-hating states will be hurting themselves.
Who said this? "I think that some of the people who are objecting the most and just refusing even to accede to the idea of ever getting any understanding ... down in their deepest thoughts, have accepted that war is inevitable."
Republicans have a bigger demographic challenge looming over them that winning over the Latino vote, one of which they are less cognizant and of which the solutions are less obvious.
While the ideological makeup of the Latino electorate is ever-so-slightly more liberal than the nation as a whole, the partisan breakdown is more than 3-to-1 Democratic: 58 percent Democratic versus 16 percent Republican.
Republicans in Congress may want to stop the international nuclear deal with Iran. They may prefer to provoke a war with Iran than break bread. But they can't. And it's their own fault.
Jeb's not wrong to focus on the problem of underemployment, and it does Democrats no good to mock him when he does. Where Jeb is vulnerable is that he offers no serious solution to the problem.
150 ago today, "The Nation" magazine was born. Today, "The Nation: A Biography (The First 150 Years)" is published. The author D.D. Guttenplan shares his thoughts on reading 150 years of history through the lens of the left.
Republicans who have complained that the Left wants to drum religious voices out of the "public square" while thundering against women's reproductive rights, suddenly want the Pope to stick to Sunday mass.
If the center of gravity moves from under the Republicans' feet, 2016 is going to be their 1988 – the last gasp before their ideological dead weight has to be thrown overboard.
Twenty years ago Pope John Paul II delivered an encyclical urging a "culture of life," which Republicans readily embraced. Today, Pope Francis delivers an encyclical on climate. Republicans may have a harder time with this one.
Walker is beginning to lose conservatives over his support for $250 million in taxpayer funds on a new basketball stadium benefiting the billionaire owners of the Milwaukee Bucks, who don't even live in the state.
Obama moves to protect the climate. The congressional GOP moves to block him, even urging states to break the law. But some Republicans are complicating the climate deniers' message.
Sen. Lindsey Graham told CNN: "Here’s a question you need to ask everybody running as a Republican: What is the environmental policy of the Republican Party? When I ask that question, I get a blank stare."
When conservative Republicans charge that capping carbon emissions amounts to a "war" on fossil fuel interests, our friends at BP and Shell have provided a handy retort.
National Republicans are not interested in promoting what Nevada Governor Brian Sandoval just accomplished: a huge boost for public education funded by the largest tax increase in state history.
Republicans seem to let their guard down on Fox -- assuming that the anchors and the audience will be forgiving and giving ill-thought out answers to obvious questions.
Conservative Peter Wehner argues in the New York Times that President Barack Obama has pulled the Democratic Party too far to the left. His argument disintegrates in the face of history.
Advice for the Republican National Committee that it will not take: Cull the number of presidential candidates you put on the debate stage by how much money they raised.
David Brooks argued that the re-election of British Prime Minister David Cameron proves that "The world has not turned left" and instead we are experiencing a "Center-Right Moment." This is demonstrably wrong.
Labour's Ed Miliband was unable to distance himself from the last Labour government that voters had rejected. In other words, voters had long memories. That's what should worry Republicans in America.
Republican leaders can't keep their promise to cut spending down to a level not seen since before the New Deal. Capitulation is inevitable. They can admit it now, or pay a price later.
Thursday election in Great Britain will be a fascinating case study on multiple levels. Can an incumbent party survive a record of austerity? How can a party recover from past failures on the economy?
The Kochs can't buy the Pope, but presumably they have some members of Congress on retainer. Still, perhaps the Pope can turn at least one Republican away from oil and coal patrons.
Republicans often are gluttons for punishment. So it's not surprising that they're gearing up for another futile and embarrassing letter campaign, this time on climate.
The real Democratic race is not about whether Hillary will win. Rather, it’s who will win Hillary. If you want populist progressives to successfully influence her platform, then you should come to Washington this weekend for Populism2015.
At Monday's 'Good Jobs Green Jobs' conference, Sen. Elizabeth Warren deftly melded her case for a stronger middle class with her call to avert a climate crisis. The next step will be taken at the Populism2015 conference.
Sen. Rand Paul wants to radically slash the size of our federal government and drastically limit its responsibilities. Oddly for a devout ideologue, he doesn't want to tell you that.
The days when the environmentalism was constantly pitted against economic growth are ending, even if climate science deniers continue to spread fear about economic devastation if we cap our carbon pollution.
President Obama's pledge is based on programs already in the works that don't need approval from a Republican Congress. More effort – and a new Congress – will eventually be needed to avert a climate crisis.
A healthy Republican primary would feature a competition of ideas to reach those presently outside the narrow Republican tent, with multiple candidates trying to better Jeb Bush's thin, if well-meaning, appeals.
McConnell is executing a literal scorched-earth strategy: urging governors to adopt a quasi-nullification strategy and ignore federal authority ... ensure we fail to do our part to avert the baking of the planet.