Snapshots of Austerity

What's end of the line for austerity? We've gone through despair, desperation, and indifference. The latter feeds the first two, creating what Robert Reich calls "a tinderbox society," as "those collecting capital gains" demand austerity, resulting in "rising frustration over the inability of most people to get ahead. That frustration, Reich notes, is fanning the flames of public anger in Europe, fueling student revolts in Chile, and could plunge China into turmoil.

Where austerity goes, violence and unrest follow. The danger lies in the unpredictable nature of public anger, once ignited. When sparks fly, there's no telling where they catch fire or who will get burned.

It's a combustible concoction wherever it occurs: Increasing productivity, widening inequality, and rising unemployment create tinder-box societies.

Public anger and frustration can ignite in two very different ways. One is toward reforms that more broadly share the productivity gains.

The other is toward demagogues that turn people against one another.

To borrow a line from Bonnie Tyler's 1983 hit single, austerity means "we're living in a powder keg, and giving off sparks.

Except there is no more "we," anymore. As austerity-engineered scarcity makes day-to-day survival, people see their fates as divorced from one another. Solidarity gives way to detachment, an "everyone for him or herself" becomes the general , if you want to survive.

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Depending on your point of view, the results on austerity are in. The roll call European countries with shrunken economies, mired in recession, is identical to the list of European countries yoked to austerity economics — Portugal, Italy, Ireland, Spain, Greece (of course), and now the UK. Those countries are experiencing varying degrees of public reaction against austerity policies. In Prague, Czechs staged the biggest demonstrations their country has seen since the fall of communism, in protest of the austerity measures and corruption in Czech Republic's center-right government. In France, president Sarkozy now faces a runoff, after elections that were a reaction against austerity. In the Netherlands, the prime minister resigned after EU austerity demands caused the government to collapse. In Romania, the government has collapsed in a no-confidence vote after violent protests against austerity toppled its prime minister in February.

Does the latest wave of uprisings finally sound the death knell for austerity? Not if austerians stay the course, and don't get spooked by protests in the streets and at the ballot box. If their protests have no impact, and austerity happened anyway, people will go home. They'll forget about solidarity, worry more about survival, and arrive at the next phase of austerity's impact on their lives.

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When Greek prime minister Lucas Papademos, in his statement concerning the austerity-driven suicide of 77-year-old pensioner Dimitris Christoulas, called on Greeks to "support those next to us who stand in despair," he either missed or ignored the same point that austerity boosters here at home blithely ignore. How can people "support those who stand next to us in despair," when so many have already reached that last stop before oblivion, and those who haven't yet are being driven there down a wide road called "Desperation"?

What else is Papademos — appointed to ensure that Greeks got austerity, and got little or no say in the matter — to do? He's there to make sure the people he really works for get what they want. So, the prime minister has to ignore that Greece's Independence Day celebrations required tight security — such that citizens were banned from entering Syntagma Square the very square where Dimitris Christoulas put a bullet in his brain — because of very real fears that anti-austerity protesters would attack politicians. He has to ignore the reason why 4,000 police officers (plus more than 800 riot police) had to lock down the city of Athens, to ensure things went off without a hitch.

Just as his government ignored the tens of thousands of protestors on its doorstep, to pass he austerity measures, had to recognize the despair inherent in Dimitris Christoulas' suicide while ignoring the desperation that drove him to it, and how austerity has made desperation part of every day life for many Greeks.

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When 77-year-old Greek pensioner Dimitris Christoulas sat down under a tree in Athens' busiest public square and committed suicide — shooting himself in the head not far from Parliament, and leaving behind a letter blaming the government's austerity policies for driving him to it — his story launched protests in Greece, and became for pundits and bloggers another example of the cost austerity exacts from those least responsible for and least able to pay the debts that austerity policies are intended to satisfy. Christloulas's story does indeed offer a snapshot of austerity's consequences for the elderly, the young, the middle- and working classes, and just about everyone outside of the one percent — and not just in Greece, but right here at home too.

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