Despite the recent gaffes, Hillary Clinton is the odds-on favorite for president. But to avoid a failed presidency, she'll have to choose to break from the policies of her former boss and her husband.
The irony of American politics is that the right is far weaker than it appears and the left far stronger than it asserts. That strength is too often subsumed under more centrist, far-better-funded Democratic candidates and operations.
America is plagued by too much public squalor and too much private wealth. Partisan obstruction blocks even modest reform. Americans will continue to struggle until they force a new politics.
Jobs were up 217,000, as predicted, a rate that won't reduce the nearly 20 million Americans in need of full-time work, and won't boost wages to meet the rising prices of necessities. It's a snapshot. But it isn't sunny.
The economy's decline during the first three months of the year is the product of Republican obstruction of any measure that might put people to work, aided and abetted by Democratic absence from the battlefield.
Led by Sen. Elizabeth Warren, a new populist challenge is emerging that is already influencing the national debate in 2014, and will have a major impact in 2016, whether or not the senator is ultimately drafted to run.
The new populism stands in the grand American tradition of opposition to financial aristocracies. It is founded in today's reality. Its reform agenda gains broad support. And it is growing, challenging the limits of both parties.
Twenty-four states still refuse to expand Medicaid to low-wage workers under Obamacare – even though the federal government picks up the entire cost. On nurses week, join us in calling on these states to save lives.
The economy added an estimated 288,000 jobs last month, with the unemployment rate plummeting. But the good news is bitter sweet. The discouraged outnumber the newly employed. We're still not growing fast enough.
We are headed into a reckoning. We know that the rules are rigged in Washington, as the powerful protect their interests from the many. The question is can the people take back their democracy?
Populist sentiments are on the rise. But the stunted economic recovery — and big GOP money — makes it hard for Democrats to exploit them. That helps conservative candidates confuse voters with their own populist poses.
Call Speaker Boehner at (661)-BOEHNER (661-263-4637) to reach one of his three Ohio offices. Tell him you want an up-or-down House vote on the unemployment insurance bill already passed by the Senate.
This week, the House of Representatives will vote on the Republican-Ryan budget and the Progressive Caucus "Better off Budget." The former is nonsense; the latter common sense. One of them is likely to pass.
The March jobs report is more of the same. Slow growth, not nearly enough to make a dent in mass unemployment. Congress continues to dig potholes that slow growth. Americans are paying a harsh price for folly.
As Senate Democrats rolled out their "Fair Shot for Everyone" agenda, Republicans were arguing that Obama's populist message had failed with swing voters. But populism hasn't failed; it just hasn't been tried yet.
The plutocrats are taking to the barricades against the new populism. They are demanding that politicians offer them not merely hidden tax breaks, but public tribute. Their arrogance is fueling the populism they fear.
The CPC budget offers Americans a common-sense set of choices on vital priorities. To do so, it has to take on big money and entrenched special interests. Common sense, it turns out, requires courage.
The February jobs report is more of the same: an economy that is not growing fast enough to put Americans back to work or to provide any lift to wages. This isn't due to the weather; it is due to the perversity of politicians.
President Obama's 2015 Budget picks good fights with the right enemies. It exposes those who oppose it for who they are. But his longer term projections are a slow retreat from where we need to go.
When Republican Rep. Dave Camp released a comprehensive tax reform plan, Republicans ran for the exits. They worry about the details that offend corporate lobbies. We should worry about the assumptions that offend common sense.
The old trade model has failed us miserably. Isn't it time to stop pursuing a fast track for another bad trade deal when the train is already off the rails? Isn't it long past time to take another look and think anew?
By a margin of one vote, a Republican filibuster blocked extension of aid to the long-term unemployed in the middle of the winter. Then the Senate adjourned for another vacation. This is a clear measure of who they are.
Democrats are remarkably unified behind the jobs and inequality agenda the president ticked off in his State of the Union address. But beneath this surface calm, there is a growing divide within the Democratic Party.
President Obama's SOTU called on the Congress and corporations to give Americans a raise. The president challenged Republican obstruction. But he seems to think the economic crisis is behind us. That won't be an easy sell.
The president's State of the Union address drew clear lines against Republican obstruction. But the president also suggested that the economic crisis was behind us. He'll have a hard time selling that.
Here are keys to look for in tonight's State of the Union speech. Does the president tell the people the truth? Does he indict Republicans for the economy? Does he drive issues that unite Democrats or issues that divide them?
1.6 million long-term unemployed workers have lost emergency jobless benefits. These are families that can no longer pay the rent, feed the children, keep the car. Tell Congress it must act now; there is no excuse for this cruelty.
President Obama faces a skeptical people as he prepares his State of the Union address, most of whom are convinced the country is on the wrong track. He must show them once more he is on their side.
A "new populism" is stirring, as the Democratic wing of the Democratic Party begins to challenge Wall Street's domination of our politics. But rebuilding the middle class will require a fierce, independent popular mobilization.
Don't believe the hype. The 1,582-page budget deal may be a return to bipartisan compromise and "regular order," but it punts on addressing the vital needs of this country. It continues austerity, while starving vital investments.
The December jobs report may be an anomaly. But the trend is not. We need federal action on jobs. Those who believe the recovery has sufficient momentum on its own are betting on hope and a wish.
Senator Max Baucus wants to fast-track consideration of a trade authority bill (a bill that would force Congress to vote up or down any trade accord put before it without amendments), before he goes to be U.S. ambassador to China.
Newly elected populist Mayor Bill de Blasio took the stage in New York at his inaugural on January 1. He didn't trim his sails, announcing his intention to make redressing the "inequality crisis" his central mission. A new era begins.
The beltway has discovered populism. The president has declared inequality to be the defining challenge of our time. Already the Wall Street wing of the Democratic Party is raising alarms. Here's a quick look at the new populism
The economy is lousy. The budget deal won't help. What will get this economy moving? "Tax-and-spend Democrats" willing to invest in vital areas and pay for it with taxes on the rich and the big corporations.
The bipartisan budget deal is celebrating, largely for getting a deal. But on the economy, what benefits it has are erased by the failure to renew emergency jobless benefits. Washington continues to impede any recovery.