Republicans, who want you to think they take terrorism more seriously than President Obama because they like to say "radical Islam," are playing games with the money to protect us from terrorist attacks.
Tom Edsall at The New York Times argues that the Democrats should be worried because of "how far the Republican Party has traveled." But let's not overstate the case.
Will white workers still hate the stimulus if the economic recovery it helped spur begins to raise wages? Will they still hate Obamacare if it wins the fight against health cost inflation?
Jeb Bush's speech to the Detroit Economic Club pledging to close the "opportunity gap" is strikingly similar to George W. Bush's 1999 stump speech touting "compassionate conservatism."
Are congressional Republicans ready to have an honest debate between to competing budgetary visions for America? Nope. Just bogus attacks that try to kick up enough sand so we can't have an honest debate.
A discussion with Ted Cruz, Rand Paul and Marco Rubio shows in stark relief how Republicans are trying, and failing, to be seen as the party of the middle class.
Jeb Bush's address to the National Automobile Dealers Association attracted much positive press. He sounded like an adult. He was willing to challenge conservative orthodoxy. Just one problem: it didn't make any sense.
It is becoming increasingly unacceptable, even among Republicans, to defend the "hoax" line. We are moving toward a climate debate over how to solve the problem, not whether there is a problem.
Now that Jeb Bush and Mitt Romney are poised to duke it out over donor checks and electability claims, will that provide an opening for a Tea Party presidential candidate to squeak past them?
One of the first bills passed by the Republican House after being in session for three days was the "Save American Workers Act of 2015" - and by "save" Republicans meant saving 1.5 million workers from the burden of having health insurance.
Yesterday's ground-breaking ceremony for California's high-speed rail system was the second major advancement in President Obama's vision for modernizing America's train tracks in the last two weeks.
It's not as much fun to write about as a broken website, but Healthcare.gov is humming along this year. And the decades-long rise of the cost of health insurance premiums appears to have been arrested.
Much of the initial analysis of Jeb Bush's candidacy centers on the question if he is too moderate to win the Republican primary. The more important question is if Jeb is too conservative to win the general election.
A fascinating graphic presentation from Bloomberg shows how America has nearly achieved energy independence and broken our addiction to oil. It's not because oil got too expensive.
Can the populist wing of the party expand its influence over the business-friendly wing, and will congressional Democrats will use their leverage to scuttle any White House-blessed bipartisan deals in 2015?
The back-to-back Bush and Obama administrations allow us to easily compare the effectiveness of liberal and conservative economic policies. On jobs, unemployment and corporate profits, it's no contest.
Pursuing health care reform did not stop President Obama from building on the stimulus. Congress did. President Obama proposed $80B of additional stimulus in June 2010. Blame the 53 Senators who killed it.
In other words, if Obama won't bend to Republicans demands, then funding for immigration enforcement will expire. And Republicans will be responsible for ending overnight all America does on a daily basis to secure the border.
Tonight's presidential announcement will be a historic moment, especially for immigrant families who will no longer live in fear. On the other hand, watching Republicans go apoplectic is just going to be fun to watch.
Neither the natural gas boom that is crowding out coal, nor the worldwide push for lower emissions is going away. The world is moving and Kentucky is standing still, because McConnell is keeping Kentucky stagnant.
In the debate between populist progressives and self-described "centrists" over why Democrats lost the midterms and how they should recalibrate, it's worth recalling that Republicans won in part by co-opting populism.
They got burned on gay marriage. Now Republicans risk getting burned on climate. Just as there were signs in 2004 that Republicans were on the wrong side of history, so are there today.
As Nebraska's second congressional district is 82% white and only 10% black, Rep. Lee Terry may have thought the "Nikko" ad would rally the white majority to his side. Instead, Terry sparked a backlash that contributed to his demise.
Two Democrats in competitive Senate races bucked the Republican tide. What did they do that the other campaigns didn’t? And how should that inform progressive strategy going forward?
Republicans may have control of the Senate in their grasp, largely thanks to a skewed 2014 electoral map. But Republican ads showed they couldn't get there by running as conservative ideologues.
The fundamentals of the 2014 Senate map are tilted toward the Republicans, with Democrats defending seven seats in states that Mitt Romney won. And yet, with only four days until Election Day, the polls are all tied up.
Two years ago, the Republican Party was whining about makers and takers and class warfare. Now, in many close races, Republicans are exploiting the populist mood, criticizing links to corporations and attacking wealth.
It's true that Republicans have inched ahead in many of the contested states. It's also true that Republicans have lost ground in the three states that nearly everyone assumed Republicans had in the bag.
In 2012, Republicans nominated for president a private equity firm CEO with a record of outsourcing jobs. It did not go well. In several states for the 2014 midterm elections, Republicans have done it again.
Republicans in swing House districts are having difficulty, because of the shutdown, support for millionaire tax breaks and alleged scandals. Here's where Democrats are on the offense, complicating GOP hopes to fortify its House majority.
Georgia's David Perdue bluntly defends outsourcing. Before that, he was only up 3 or 4 points over Democratic nominee Michelle Nunn. We'll soon see how much points embracing outsourcing counts for.
You will find extremely little about issue positions on the websites of North Carolina's Thom Tillis, Iowa's Joni Ernst, Louisiana's Bill Cassidy, Alaska's Dan Sullivan, Arkansas' Tom Cotton and Colorado's Cory Gardner.
If these Republicans win on Election Day, it'll be important to remember why. Not because they were running as unadulterated conservatives, but because they were telling voters they would uphold a pillar of the New Deal.
It's important to know we can save the planet without much, if any, net cost. It's also important to know we can save the planet and create millions of jobs, if we are willing to pay for it.
Is Zephur Teachout strategically correct when she says an army of primary challengers is the wisest way to maximize liberal influence within the Democratic Party? Recent history suggests not.
The People's Climate March appears on track to be largest climate march in history, and possibly the most consequential, if it can pressure the U.N. to forge a real agreement to collectively cut our greenhouse gas emissions.
The big climate news in advance of next week's U.N. climate summit is a new global commission report that finds the investments needed to avert a climate crisis would likely not result in any net cost.
Organizers are expressing hope that the People's Climate March will be the largest climate march ever. If there ever was a time when the climate needed people to show up in the streets, it is now.
President Barack Obama's low approval rating was supposed to drag down Democratic candidates. It's not happening, because Republican Party approval ratings are lower.
In 1994, Newt Gingrich unified the House candidates around the "Contract With America" platform, but the Senate Republicans weren't on board and most legislation died there. Now, there isn't a Contract to unify one house, let alone two.