McConnell is executing a literal scorched-earth strategy: urging governors to adopt a quasi-nullification strategy and ignore federal authority ... ensure we fail to do our part to avert the baking of the planet.
Continually allowing the tea party to dictate the Republican Party platform has consequences. Not only is there short-term political risk, but there is also a long-term risk to the soul of the Republican Party.
Republicans will fully own this radical vision to "reduce [government] to the size where I can drag it into the bathroom and drown it in the bathtub." You might have thought Grover Norquist was joking, but these Republicans aren't.
Jeb Bush is developing an odd habit of breezily touting parts of his record that don't look good up close. We've already had one President Bush who liked to say that up is down. Didn't work out too well.
A 10-year balanced budget would require $5.5 trillion in deficit reduction by people who don't believe in tax increases or military spending cuts. By the final year, social spending would have to slashed in half.
If Sen. Cotton fully understood the U.S. Constitution, he would know that he needs 67 Senate votes if he's going to act like he can override a presidential veto. And his letter only has 47 signatures.
Republicans insisted it was a First Amendment principle to equate money with speech. Now they must contend with the Citizens United world they fought to create.
Yesterday on MSNBC's "Up With Steve Kornacki," I discussed my recent POLITICO Magazine analysis "What If HIllary Bows Out?" Of course, the former Secretary is highly likely to run. But exploring the matter still has value.
Republicans said Obamacare would kill jobs and ruin our health care system. But after the latest jobs report, there's no serious argument to make that Obamacare has done either.
Republicans, have mercy on your presidential candidates. Just get this immigration debate over with so your presidential candidates don't have to flip-flop anymore.
Republicans, who want you to think they take terrorism more seriously than President Obama because they like to say "radical Islam," are playing games with the money to protect us from terrorist attacks.
Tom Edsall at The New York Times argues that the Democrats should be worried because of "how far the Republican Party has traveled." But let's not overstate the case.
Will white workers still hate the stimulus if the economic recovery it helped spur begins to raise wages? Will they still hate Obamacare if it wins the fight against health cost inflation?
Jeb Bush's speech to the Detroit Economic Club pledging to close the "opportunity gap" is strikingly similar to George W. Bush's 1999 stump speech touting "compassionate conservatism."
Are congressional Republicans ready to have an honest debate between to competing budgetary visions for America? Nope. Just bogus attacks that try to kick up enough sand so we can't have an honest debate.
A discussion with Ted Cruz, Rand Paul and Marco Rubio shows in stark relief how Republicans are trying, and failing, to be seen as the party of the middle class.
Jeb Bush's address to the National Automobile Dealers Association attracted much positive press. He sounded like an adult. He was willing to challenge conservative orthodoxy. Just one problem: it didn't make any sense.
It is becoming increasingly unacceptable, even among Republicans, to defend the "hoax" line. We are moving toward a climate debate over how to solve the problem, not whether there is a problem.
Now that Jeb Bush and Mitt Romney are poised to duke it out over donor checks and electability claims, will that provide an opening for a Tea Party presidential candidate to squeak past them?
One of the first bills passed by the Republican House after being in session for three days was the "Save American Workers Act of 2015" - and by "save" Republicans meant saving 1.5 million workers from the burden of having health insurance.
Yesterday's ground-breaking ceremony for California's high-speed rail system was the second major advancement in President Obama's vision for modernizing America's train tracks in the last two weeks.
It's not as much fun to write about as a broken website, but Healthcare.gov is humming along this year. And the decades-long rise of the cost of health insurance premiums appears to have been arrested.
Much of the initial analysis of Jeb Bush's candidacy centers on the question if he is too moderate to win the Republican primary. The more important question is if Jeb is too conservative to win the general election.
A fascinating graphic presentation from Bloomberg shows how America has nearly achieved energy independence and broken our addiction to oil. It's not because oil got too expensive.
Can the populist wing of the party expand its influence over the business-friendly wing, and will congressional Democrats will use their leverage to scuttle any White House-blessed bipartisan deals in 2015?
The back-to-back Bush and Obama administrations allow us to easily compare the effectiveness of liberal and conservative economic policies. On jobs, unemployment and corporate profits, it's no contest.
Pursuing health care reform did not stop President Obama from building on the stimulus. Congress did. President Obama proposed $80B of additional stimulus in June 2010. Blame the 53 Senators who killed it.
In other words, if Obama won't bend to Republicans demands, then funding for immigration enforcement will expire. And Republicans will be responsible for ending overnight all America does on a daily basis to secure the border.
Tonight's presidential announcement will be a historic moment, especially for immigrant families who will no longer live in fear. On the other hand, watching Republicans go apoplectic is just going to be fun to watch.
Neither the natural gas boom that is crowding out coal, nor the worldwide push for lower emissions is going away. The world is moving and Kentucky is standing still, because McConnell is keeping Kentucky stagnant.
In the debate between populist progressives and self-described "centrists" over why Democrats lost the midterms and how they should recalibrate, it's worth recalling that Republicans won in part by co-opting populism.
They got burned on gay marriage. Now Republicans risk getting burned on climate. Just as there were signs in 2004 that Republicans were on the wrong side of history, so are there today.
As Nebraska's second congressional district is 82% white and only 10% black, Rep. Lee Terry may have thought the "Nikko" ad would rally the white majority to his side. Instead, Terry sparked a backlash that contributed to his demise.
Two Democrats in competitive Senate races bucked the Republican tide. What did they do that the other campaigns didn’t? And how should that inform progressive strategy going forward?
Republicans may have control of the Senate in their grasp, largely thanks to a skewed 2014 electoral map. But Republican ads showed they couldn't get there by running as conservative ideologues.
The fundamentals of the 2014 Senate map are tilted toward the Republicans, with Democrats defending seven seats in states that Mitt Romney won. And yet, with only four days until Election Day, the polls are all tied up.
Two years ago, the Republican Party was whining about makers and takers and class warfare. Now, in many close races, Republicans are exploiting the populist mood, criticizing links to corporations and attacking wealth.
It's true that Republicans have inched ahead in many of the contested states. It's also true that Republicans have lost ground in the three states that nearly everyone assumed Republicans had in the bag.
In 2012, Republicans nominated for president a private equity firm CEO with a record of outsourcing jobs. It did not go well. In several states for the 2014 midterm elections, Republicans have done it again.
Republicans in swing House districts are having difficulty, because of the shutdown, support for millionaire tax breaks and alleged scandals. Here's where Democrats are on the offense, complicating GOP hopes to fortify its House majority.